Thursday, August 21, 2008

MARCHING INTO BATTLE FOR KENYA’S SOUL

The following account of the 10-day caravan of Kenyan pastors in March, 2008, is based on an interview with Pastor Gowi Odera of Nairobi Chapel. This event called Msafara was aimed at the five cities in Kenya where violence and unrest occurred after the national elections and sought to bring spiritual cleansing to the nation.



Sunday, December 30, 2008, was not a day of rest. The entire nation was restless. People were on edge and it could be felt in the church services that morning. It was the third day since the national elections but the results were still unknown. Initial reports indicated that the Opposition party may have won the presidential race as well as the majority of seats in Parliament. But the Electoral Commission was silent and fears grew that the Government party was not willing to accept the results. Tensions mounted in many parts of the country and people retreated to their homes expecting the worst.

They did not have long to wait. By that evening, the Government party declared that it had won and President Mwai Kibaki was immediately sworn in for a second term. Violence and anger exploded in the strongholds of the Opposition party where people were convinced the election had been stolen by the government. Attacks between particular tribes occurred in Nairobi slums and cities like Eldoret and Nakuru. Police cordoned off the central area of the city and the government tried unsuccessfully to control the looting and widespread lawlessness. Thousands of people ran for their lives as angry gangs and neighbors went after those from the opposing tribe. Many fled to churches where they received protection and assistance.

The next day, usually a holiday that all Kenyans enjoy, it was obvious that darker forces had broken loose and order would not be easily restored. Pastors and church leaders had already begun to contact each other and on that morning, they met together in Nairobi to pray and organize themselves as a “national alliance” to respond collectively to the crisis. They divided themselves into four teams to engage the political leaders of Kenya, guide the churches, provide humanitarian relief and to get information out through the media. They sensed a leadership vacuum in the nation and knew they had to act together.

It was a good start but conditions continued to deteriorate and the political leaders refused to negotiate. By the end of the week, over a thousand people had been killed and several hundred thousand were internally displaced. Despite all the good work done by local congregations, national church leaders and pastors soon realized few were listening to them. The ethnic conflict tearing Kenya apart included Christian people who put tribal identity above their identity in Christ. The church was part of the problem and not enough a part of the solution. Even church buildings were being burned and in one horrific case in Eldoret, many people were trapped inside the building and died in the fire.

Leaders from other nations tried to mediate and encourage the political leaders to join together to end the violence. None were successful until former United Nations secretary-general Kofi Annan came to Nairobi three weeks after the election and pledged not to leave until a settlement had been achieved. It took until the end of February before the quarreling political leaders agreed to form a coalition government.

By then, Kenya and many nations of the world were shocked by the orgy of violence and the evidence of “ethnic cleansing” in various parts of the country. Kenya’s economic growth was dealt a severe blow and the tourist industry temporarily collapsed. Much of the conflict was between particular tribes but some was criminal behavior by unemployed youth aggravated by police brutality.

During the month of February as tensions subsided and people returned to work and school, church leaders tried to make sense of what had happened. The National Council of Churches in Kenya issued a public apology on behalf of all their member churches accepting responsibility for not having been more principled and outspoken about the possibility of ethnic violence before and after the election and for not having addressed the underlying causes for the unrest. Most pastors and church members felt ashamed and grieved for what had happened.

At Nairobi Chapel, the pastoral staff of Oscar Muriu, Janet Mutinde and Gowi Odera felt compelled to preach on the ethnic, political, economic and spiritual monsters that had ravaged Kenya. Their bold prophetic words were reinforced by intensive times of prayer and Bible study throughout the congregation. Gradually the conviction grew among the Chapel’s leadership that there was a significant spiritual dimension to the political crisis and the violence. It was not enough to blame tribalism or poverty or corrupt politicians. Demonic forces had been unleashed and this called for spiritual warfare by the church.

The use of witchcraft by Kenyan politicians as aids in election battles is well-known. But stories surfaced of a Tanzanian witchdoctor hired by several politicians to perform sacrifices in five specific cities, Nairobi, Mombasa, Nakuru, Eldoret and Kisumu. All five were the hot spots of violence and strife. This particular witchdoctor was interviewed on television and freely admitted to his role in opening the gates to evil forces. The news was chilling to many Christians who believe God has a special calling for Kenya to be a haven of peace and stability in Africa and to be a beacon of light to the world by sending out missionaries. The Nairobi Chapel pastors spoke on demonic activity as described in the Bible and noted the familiar signs: shedding of blood, idolatry, broken covenants and unrestrained wickedness.

A strategy to mobilize the church to spiritually cleanse the nation began to take shape. Hundreds of pastors would travel to or gather in the five cities to pray for God’s forgiveness and restoration. Together they would engage in spiritual warfare to “close the portals” which had been opened for the Evil One. In addition to the ministry of prayer, food and supplies would be distributed in the nearby IDP camps and pastors would meet for the purpose of reconciliation and church unity. Msafara was to be the name for this caravan or journey of pastors and volunteers that would begin with a week of fasting and prayer followed by two days in each city starting on March 7 and concluding in Kisumu on March 17.


The logistics for Msafara were monumental. A secretariat of pastors was formed to oversee the entire campaign. Two of Nairobi Chapel’s pastors were released from all other duties to concentrate on Msafara. The lower level of Nairobi Baptist’s new sanctuary functioned as a command center. Advance teams went to all five cities to meet with pastors and plan the events. High priority was given to recruiting pastors from all denominations and tribes. In the end, 33 of Kenya’s 42 tribes were represented by the participating pastors. In most cities, reconciliation work and prayer meetings began prior to the Msafara event.

Appeals for funds and food supplies went out and the response was impressive. Over $20 million Kenya shillings was donated. NGO’s donated food and clothing. Companies provided trucks and drivers to haul the supplies. Even the government expressed its support and provided police protection in some of the cities.

Since this was primarily a prayer movement, full-time prayer intercessors were recruited to journey with the pastors. These men and women traveled ahead of the caravan and positioned themselves in strategic locations in each city to pray for the removal of evil forces and to plead for God’s forgiveness and healing of each city.

Volunteers were also needed to distribute the food to refugees and to function as caregivers to people in need. The decision was made to invite young adults to apply for the position of “wasifiri” or travelers. They had to be at least 21 years of age, pay their own way and be approved by their pastors. Many of these young people had never witnessed ethnic violence and were shocked by what they saw in the five cities and in the IDP camps. But they also energized the entire campaign, sharing the Gospel boldly with people, praying for healing of those with wounds from the violence, and challenging the older adults to enter the cities even when security was a major concern. Msafara proved to be a movement of the younger generation and a possible source of future church and political leaders of the nation.

The caravan made its first stop in Mombasa where it was greeted by many pastors and church members. They marched around the city singing and praying. Pastors publicly confessed the failure of the church and the sins of the nation. The wasifiri went to the IDP camps to distribute food and show love to the hurting. The next day a large concert of prayer was held with public acts of reconciliation between ethnic leaders and earnest prayer for spiritual cleansing. Communion and some preaching were also part of these services. By the end of the second day, the caravan moved on.

In Nairobi, a massive prayer rally was held in the center of the city in front of the government buildings. But in Nakuru and Eldoret, the Msafara leaders had to be more cautious about public rallies. These two cities had been the scenes of considerable violence and revenge killings separating the populations along ethnic lines. Even the churches had fallen prey to the hostilities and the initial meetings of pastors to prepare for Msafara had been very difficult. Yet the prayer effort brought a breakthrough of repentance and even conversions.

In Eldoret, the caravan visited and prayed over the site of the burned church where many fleeing residents had died. The pastor of the congregation had been beaten severely trying to stop the attackers. He was later given full medical treatment, including major dental work, by Nairobi Chapel.

Miracles were also witnessed in Eldoret. Language barriers between ethnic groups appeared to vanish in prayer. People who had succumbed to the rage and hatred broke down and wept. Some publicly asked for forgiveness. One pastor whose entire family had been killed publicly forgave his attackers and washed the feet of a pastor from an opposing tribe. Demons were cast out of people and there were reports of physical healings. The caravan leaders even prayed for rain for Eldoret which by then was facing severe drought conditions and by the time the caravan left, the city was drenched.

The final city on the journey was Kisumu, a stronghold of the opposition party, where tensions and resentments were still running high and the Msafara leaders were apprehensive. The caravan entered with a large police escort and to their surprise were welcomed by a host of pastors and church members. The atmosphere was electric and the prayer long and intense. Well-known church leaders in the city publicly reconciled.

The final service in Kisumu marked the climax of the campaign. The spiritual cleansing of the nation was declared to have been accomplished. A shofah was blown and a dove released. Visible, public signs of church unity and reconciliation and forgiveness between ethnic groups were evident in each of the five cities. The new coalition government, though shaky, was starting to function. The IDP camps were slowly emptying and people were starting to return to their homes.

But things would never be “back to normal” for Kenya. The crisis shook the nation and compelled many to recognize their own responsibility to provide better leadership that addresses the serious economic and social needs of Kenyan people. The Msafara leaders realized that they had stepped on to a national stage because of the crisis. While the church had made mistakes in this arena, it was now clear that the church and its pastors had a role to play in making Kenya a more just and peaceful society. Politics could no longer be dismissed as a corrupt environment that Christians had to avoid. The church had to speak to and encourage and challenge the political leaders to do better. The church had to pay special attention to the spiritual dimensions of Kenya’s social and political life and be ready to pray and boldly take action for cleansing and healing.

In the weeks since Msafara, Kenyan churches continued to pray and discuss the reasons for the crisis. Some started to engage political leaders more directly. Others contributed their ideas and perspectives on the issues of poverty, corruption, constitutional and land reform that the government and the Kenyan public must address. The humanitarian crisis that resulted from the violence and looting continued, but churches were fully engaged with the needy as always. One can only hope that churches will become as effective in preventing crises like the one in Kenya as they are dealing with the aftermath of a crisis.

Much of this story was never reported in any media. The Msafara event received only one article in the national newspapers of Kenya and none in any major global news source. The Red Cross received most of the attention in relation to the IDP camps even though they depended heavily on churches for assistance and distribution. Getting media attention is not the most important thing for the church but as the church learns to speak as a church, not a political party, with united voices and to be a constructive force for justice and peace and righteousness, its credibility and impact will certainly be felt.

Many Kenyan Christians are optimistic about the future of their nation. Many believe the crisis will prove to be a significant wake-up call to the church and a stimulus to the government to do a better job of building up the nation and not just serving party interests. Msafara may prove to be a model of what the church can do not only in African nations but even in other countries of the world.

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